Why is This Man Laughing?

Richard Nixon's and Lyndon Johnson's Big, Dark Secret (an appended, annotated excerpt from my book, The Deep State in the Heart of Texas)

Esquire magazine's famous "Why is this man laughing?" photo of Nixon.

Author’s note (March 3, 2023): What could be so secret, so politically explosive, so shocking about the already disgraced President Richard M. Nixon, it would need to be sealed for 50 years? What could be so revealing it would require the option of extending its secrecy for a hundred years? That is the case with the LBJ-Rostow “X Envelope.” The 50-year deadline for opening it is Monday, June 26, 2023. Nicknamed “The X-File,” because of its mysterious contents, the 75-page document was compiled by LBJ, who gave it to National Security Advisor Walt W. Rostow. Rostow kept it, as instructed, until after Johnson’s death on January 22, 1973. After taking several months to decide what to do, Rostow (who died February 13, 2003) finally gave it to the LBJ Library on June 26, 1973, with his instructions for keeping it secret — for a very long time. The file was reportedly opened early, in 1994, and revealed Richard Nixon’s treasonous “October surprise” sabotage of Vietnam War peace talks. But the complete contents of the X-Envelope remain redacted and unreleased. That lack of transparency gives the reported 1994 “release” the fingerprints of a “limited hangout.” What could be so secret? Perhaps it is something that is threatening to more than just Nixon. We might know already from the deep history of the Kennedy assassination. Especially when, on Monday, June 26, 2023, the LBJ Library director decides to not release the LBJ-Rostow X-File in full. (Endnote reference numbers herein include numbers from the original essay. Nos. 49, 50, 52, 53 and 60-461 are redacted at ellipsis.)

The cover of the LBJ-Rostow “X Envelope”

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In 1951 Rostow “helped launch” CENIS [Center for International Studies]¹-⁴⁶ with backing from his former OSS buddies now in the CIA. It is a think tank and well known CIA front that defended communist ideology while admitting to its industry benefactors that it was actually fighting communism.²-⁴⁷ For ten years at CENIS, Rostow worked closely with [Harold R.] Isaacs. Warren Commission Document 942 says that it had been alleged that Marilyn Dorothea Murret (Oswald’s cousin) was linked in some manner with the apparatus of Professor Harold Isaacs. And Warren Commission Document 1080 (CD 1080), an FBI report entitled “Marilyn Dorothea Murret,” is entirely about Isaacs’ background and contains no mention of Murret. This document describes Isaacs as a disillusioned leftist intellectual who had become a professional anticommunist — which also reveals the true nature of the secret goals of CENIS. This report had been classified by the Warren Commission as a withheld file open only to the federal government and the Commission. It would probably still be secret if an assassination researcher had not discovered it misfiled in the National Archives in the mid-1970s.³-⁴⁸

“… Professor Isaacs, … was a distinguished lecturer, researcher and writer, and a strong supporter of recognizing Red China during the 1960s.”⁴-⁵¹

… [T]he FBI and CIA had a habit of cutting short investigations (and classifying reports) that threatened to reveal conspiratorial links. The investigation of Marilyn Murret not only threatened to lead to Isaacs’ longtime associate Walt Rostow, who in turn had a longtime friendship with CIA assassination plotters, but to her father, Oswald’s uncle and surrogate father, Charles “Dutz” Murret, who worked for New Orleans Mob boss Carlos Marcello, who in turn was also closely tied to the same CIA/Mafia assassination plots. Such an investigation would certainly have come across a report by FBI agent John William Miller stating that CIA agent William George Gaudet told him of a purchase of paintings by Jack Ruby from Lorenzo Borenstein, a close relative of Leon Trotsky.⁵-⁵⁴ Gaudet is the CIA agent who got the Mexican tourist card next to Oswald’s in New Orleans in September 1963.⁶-⁵⁵ He also told attorney Bernard Fensterwald in 1975: “She [Murret] may have worked for the agency in New Orleans.”⁷-⁵⁶

December 12, 1968, The President's Elevator, White House, Washington, D.C. (LBJ Library, photo by Yoichi Okamoto)

With regard to Harold Isaacs’ “good name” deriving from his strong support for recognizing Red China during the 1960s, consider the following. At the LBJ Library’s May 1990 symposium, LBJ: The Difference He Made, journalist Tom Wicker, who was in the audience, became disturbed, during one panel discussion, that the conference was focused exclusively on domestic policy. He pointed out that the Johnson Administration has received practically no credit for being the first to develop serious arms control proposals to be taken to the Soviets. Because of the timing of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, Johnson was unable to follow through on it. The proposals survived into the Nixon Administration and were fundamentally those which Nixon took into the SALT I negotiations. Panelist Nicholas Katzenbach, the former deputy attorney general who right after the assassination was as concerned as J. Edgar Hoover about “...having something issued so we can convince the public that Oswald is the real assassin,”⁸-⁵⁷ added a historical note similar to Wicker’s that had always interested him:

...President Nixon got so much credit for opening the door to China, and that was something that LBJ wanted to do. And indeed we developed — the first proposals that were made by President Nixon were developed for President Johnson. And after the election, knowing Nixon was coming in, he had us go to President Nixon and say, "If you want me to start this process, I'll be happy to do it and take the political flack for doing it, which there will be from the right, but if you want to do it, I’ll hold off and do nothing.” And Nixon said he wanted to do it. So we did hold off, and they went down, and it was fascinating to me because I had worked on it. They were word for word what we had developed at the end of the administration.⁹-⁵⁸

The two major achievements historically credited to an otherwise disgraced Republican administration were actually given to it by the previous Democratic administration. And the recognition of China, which Harold Isaacs had so strongly supported, was credited to Richard Nixon, Kennedy’s chief political nemesis (especially on such things as arms control and détente with communist countries), through an under-the-table deal between Johnson and Nixon. This paper will explore the possible culpability of both former presidents in Kennedy’s assassination stemming from apparent ties which Johnson and Nixon had to each other as well as to Ruby and Oswald.

The recognition of China…was credited to Richard Nixon, Kennedy’s chief political nemesis (especially on such things as arms control and détente with communist countries), through an under-the-table deal between Johnson and Nixon.

Thus, considering that everything about Marilyn Murret seemed to lead to a CIA/Mafia conspiracy and a phony Trotskyite conspiracy (which, as we will see, may have led to the same persons), it would be a great irony indeed if the FBI, who reportedly destroyed evidence and threatened witnesses to hide conspiratorial leads, stopped further investigation of Murret solely out of politeness to Harold R. Isaacs. And … it is hard to imagine how [anyone] could have provided a more direct route.

Aside from his association with Harold Isaacs, Rostow’s history with CENIS is important because of its implications regarding UT,¹⁰ where Rostow [had] been employed since leaving the government in 1969. As mentioned before, there are apparently more than just rumors of CIA activities at UT’s Institute of Latin American Studies, which works closely, no doubt, with the Spanish and Portuguese Department; and has benefited, no doubt, from the donations of C.B. Smith, who had a life long interest in Latin American politics and culture.¹¹-⁵⁹

… On February 24, 1964, Marina [Oswald] spent the day at the Declan Ford home with the Fords, two FBI agents, her new attorney, William A. McKenzie, and McKenzie’s law partner, Henry Baer. Baer was also the secretary of the Reliance Life and Accident Insurance Company, owned by Maurice Carlson, “a close friend of Richard Nixon.” Two directors of Reliance Life were the brothers Bedford and Angus Wynne, of the law firm, Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (and the Wynnwood Shopping Center). Law partner Morris Jaffe was George de Mohrenschildt’s attorney.

The Reliance Life building also housed the Dallas office of the Secret Service. The building was owned by the Great Southwest Corporation (GSW), a real estate investment group based in Arlington. GSW’s investors included Dallas oil man Clint Murchison and the Rockefellers. The group owned Arlington’s Inn of the Six Flags, where Marina was taken on November 24, 1963 by Peter Gregory and his friend, Mike Howard of the Secret Service. They, along with another Secret Service agent named Charles Kunkel hid her there from all authorities, including the FBI. (The name Kunkel with telephone numbers was found in [Jack] Ruby’s notebook.) Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley, who represented GSW and LTV, were also the Washington oil lobbyists named in connection with the Bobby Baker scandals. Bedford Wynne was the oil pay-off man to Bobby Baker and the Democrats.

Marina’s new attorneys who were at the Ford home with her that February day in 1964 had taken over her business affairs a week earlier from James Herbert Martin. This appeared to be a change, but Martin had been employed by GSW as the manager of the Inn of the Six Flags. And Baer and McKenzie had recently left the law firm of GSW (Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley).¹²-⁴⁶²

With this background in mind, stemming as it does from the Fords’ relationship with Marina, we now turn to Nixon’s stay in Dallas from November 20 to 22, 1963. Nixon’s odd memory of this trip seems to explain the presence of Baer and McKenzie at the Ford home. It also shows that the Fords may represent, in addition to links between Oswald and Ruby, ominous links between Oswald, Ruby, and Richard Nixon. In fact many things about this trip to Dallas seem to shed light on the subjects discussed in this paper. Nixon went to Dallas on legal business for Pepsi Cola (now Pepsico). When Nixon’s political career seemed to die after he lost his bid for governor of California in 1962, Pepsi came to his rescue by offering to give their account to the New York law firm of Mudge, Stern if they took Nixon on as a senior partner. According to Peter Dale Scott:

This political favor by Donald Kendall, who became president of Pepsi in September 1963, has been viewed as a quid pro quo: Kendall is said to owe his presidency of Pepsico in part to his success (through the good offices of Richard Nixon) in having Khrushchev pose with a Pepsi bottle at the 1959 American exhibition in Moscow. But Kendall’s success can also be attributed to his marriage with the daughter of Admiral Edward Orrick McDonnell, the veteran of Wilson’s Vera Cruz expedition and a former director of Pepsi, of Pan Am, and (with Henry Crown and Frank Manheim of Lehman Brothers) of the Hertz Corp.¹³-⁴⁶³

Kendall was very involved in Loeb Rhoades, Empire Trust, and General Dynamics investments with close associates of Jack Crichton, Joseph Walker (Air America), Toddie Lee Wynne (cousin of Bedford and director of GSW), and Robert Bernard Anderson.

Anderson, a longtime associate of LBJ and Fort Worth oil man Sid Richardson, had been appointed, in the fifties, to the Special Committee to Investigate Crude Oil Imports, which resulted in mandatory oil import quotas designed by Anderson, LBJ, and Senator Kerr of Oklahoma (of the Kerr McGee Oil Co., from which George Bush hired a close friend of de Mohrenschildt). Reportedly, Anderson’s reward was a phony deal concocted by Richardson in June 1957. In this scheme Anderson would buy oil stock for one dollar, then sell it to Toddie Lee Wynne’s Dalada Corp. for $900,000. In September 1963, Richardson’s nephew Perry Bass bought Dalada, thus reacquiring the stock for Richardson’s estate. Today, Bass is a major financial contributor to the University of Texas at Austin. Anderson’s other investment partner, Carl M. Loeb Rhoades, was described by Walter Winchell as LBJ’s top financial advisor.¹⁴-⁴⁶⁴

Anderson was also involved in deals with a man closer to the subject of this paper. According to Scott, “In February 1964 Anderson’s World Banking Corp. in the Bahamas brought in the Belgian Banque Lambert, along with Augustin Batista of Loeb-linked former Cuba Trust Company in Havana.”¹⁵-⁴⁶⁵

As we have seen, Augustin Batista was a member, with Jose Aleman, Sr., of the Anson Group, which was closely tied to Second Naval Guerrilla [the third Cuba invasion attempt after Mongoose fizzled] and to Richard Nixon. As we will soon see, Augustin Batista’s Cuban Trust Company employed a director of de Mohrenschildt’s Cuban oil company — a company with close ties to William F. Buckley, Sr. and possibly to C.B. Smith and a familiar sounding Rambler station wagon in Miami.

Like Anderson, Robert H. Stewart III had financial ties to both LBJ and Nixon. And as a prominent Dallas Republican fund raiser, director of GSW, Braniff and Lone Star Steel (all close to LBJ), president in 1963 of First National Bank, Dallas (FNBD), and future director of Pepsico (1964), and LTV (1970), Stewart, too, had financial ties to the apparent conspiracy to manipulate Marina Oswald’s testimony.

On November 15, 1963, Nixon petitioned to join the New York Bar. Then on November 20, he flew with Donald Kendall in a Pepsi plane, to a bottler’s convention in Dallas. Ten months later Pepsi announced plans to build a multi-million dollar plant in Arlington — thus enhancing the value of GSW. This project must have been related to Pepsi’s intended merger with Frito Lay of Dallas (which interlocked with James Ling’s Electro Science Investors). This merger between Pepsi and Frito Lay was objected to by the Federal Trade Commission in a complaint filed November 19, 1963 — the day before Nixon flew to Dallas. It was a complaint that must have been of great concern that week to Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (GSW’s law firm), Nixon, (Pepsi’s lawyer), Robert H. Stewart (director of GSW and FNBD), and Herman Lay (of Frito Lay and director of FNBD). If these men met that week, the meeting represented links to de Mohrenschildt (through Morris Jaffe), post assassination links to Marina Oswald (through William A. McKenzie and James H. Martin), the Bobby Baker payoffs (through Bedford Wynne and Robert H. Stewart), and CIA/Cuba connections (through Nixon).¹⁶-⁴⁶⁶

It was Robert H. Stewart who hired George Bush in 1977 (after President Carter replaced him as CIA director) to be director of First International Bankshares, Inc. (FIB, Inc.) of Dallas.¹⁷-⁴⁶⁷

Bush was also named a director of First International Bankshares, Ltd. (FIB, Ltd.), FIB, Inc.’s London Merchant bank. Another FIB, Ltd. director was W. Dewey Presley, the president and chairman of FIB, Inc.’s executive committee.¹⁸-⁴⁶⁸

He is also listed in the book Who’s Who in CIA (the acronym CIA is used loosely here to mean any intelligence related work). Presley’s entry reads:

b.: 26.5.1918;

1939-42 in Magnolia Oil and Pipe Line Companies; 194252 Special Agent of FBI; from 1960 Vice President of First National Bank, Dallas; OpA [area of operation]: Dallas¹⁹-⁴⁶⁹

We have already explored the presence of Magnolia Oil around Oswald, Ruth Paine, and Eugene Hale Brading. There is, however, another intriguing individual at FIB with connections to Magnolia, George Bush, and others discussed in this paper. He is J. Rawles Fulgham, Jr., president of FIB, Inc. and chairman of FIB, Ltd. Fulgham was identified in a 1982 news report as a director of Dorchester Gas Corp. (see Nexis). Dorchester Gas was the company owned by Jack Alston Crichton, which had D.H. Byrd as a director. It was Crichton who selected his and Ruth Paine’s friend, Ilya Mamantov to be Marina’s interpreter. And as we have seen, Mamantov was teaching scientific Russian to the Magnolia employees who met the Oswalds at the party discussed earlier. It will be recalled that one of the three Mamantov students living at the house where the party took place, Volkmar Schmidt, had lived and studied with one of the survivors of the failed plot to assassinate Hitler — a fact which brings us to another intriguing connection of FIB’s president and chairman. Fulgham was identified as a director of Dresser Industries (see Nexis), where Bush’s father had been a director and Bush himself got his first job. It is recalled that Dresser is also where Hans Gisevius, another survivor of the Hitler plot, friend of Allen Dulles and Ruth Paine’s friend Mary Bancroft, “spent some time in Texas.”²⁰-⁴⁷⁰

Fulgham was identified as a director of Dresser Industries … where Bush’s father had been a director and Bush himself got his first job. It is recalled that Dresser is also where Hans Gisevius, another survivor of the Hitler plot, friend of Allen Dulles and Ruth Paine’s friend Mary Bancroft, “spent some time in Texas.”

Given all of this, we can perhaps agree with Professor Scott that:

Mr. Nixon should be asked whether his legal efforts helped to block this complaint [against the Pepsi merger with Frito Lay]; and if so, with whom and how he handled it in Dallas. For it was this merger that brought to the Pepsico board Robert H. Stewart III...for fifteen years an acquaintance and backer of James Ling (who [with D.H. Byrd] bought heavily into LTV and Electro-Science Investors in October and November 1963). Robert Stewart and his bank were named in the Bobby Baker Hearings for the $250,000 loan Stewart had advanced to Baker and his friends in 1961, for an insurance stock purchase which looked to many like a political reward.

Stewart, like his “very good friend” Senator John Tower, and Tower’s campaign manager Peter O’Donnell, was powerful among the conservative Republicans of Texas....In 1970 he became one of three new directors...of LTV, along with Ling’s old backer Troy Post...and William H. Tinsley who by now was the senior partner of Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley.²¹-⁴⁷¹

Nixon’s flurry of activity the week of November 15 to 22, 1963, during which he worked so intently on behalf of his rich and powerful political allies in Dallas, would seem to have been quite memorable to him; and even more so given the fact that the week ended with the world shattering assassination (in that very city) of the man to whom he lost the U.S. presidency three years earlier by the closest margin in American history. After all, even those who were children (including this author) have remembered that day with unusual clarity for their entire lives. But for Kennedy’s historic rival, Richard Nixon, that seems not to be the case. Only three months after the assassination, Nixon did not remember that he was in Dallas almost up until the time of the assassination; despite the fact that during this incredible lapse of memory, he did remember being invited to Dallas in April 1963; he did remember that the purpose of that trip “never materialized”; and he did remember not giving any consideration to going (CE 1973, 23 H 831).²²-⁴⁷² And despite remembering these details, Nixon called his memory of this invitation vague. Most unusual of all is that the story of the invitation was completely false.

Let us review this. Richard Nixon’s three month old memory of being in Dallas on the most memorable day in the history of that city; the most memorable day of their lives for most people in the world; and what should have been, for Nixon, the most memorable day of his life, was vague. Yet his ten-month old memory of a forgettable invitation to come to Dallas for a forgettable event which never transpired, and about which he gave no consideration, was relatively detailed; even though there had never been any such invitation. And Nixon called his relatively detailed memory of this non-invitation vague.

This raises the question: who was the source of this falsehood? It turns out that it was started on February 19, 1964 by Maurice Carlson of Reliance Life and Accident Insurance (23 H 414, 416); a man described by the FBI as “a close friend of Richard Nixon” (23 H 414). The chairman of Mr. Carlson’s insurance company was a man named James H. Bond, who was also with James Ling’s Electro-Science Investors (and later with LTV). And we must not forget that the secretary of Mr. Carlson’s insurance company was Henry Baer (formerly of the Wynne law firm which represented de Mohrenschildt, LTV, and GSW), the man who was at the Ford home on February 24 with Marina Oswald. The interesting thing about Mr. Baer being there that particular day is that it was the very next day that Maurice Carlson retracted his story about the Nixon invitation to Dallas.²³-⁴⁷³

Joining Carlson in the denial of his own story was Peter O’Donnell, the campaign manager for Robert H. Stewart’s “very good friend” Senator John Tower. It is recalled that O’Donnell is also the man who sat on the Cuban Freedom Committee with Oveta Culp Hobby; was president of Harry Ransom friend Karl Hoblitzelle’s Foundation; and who was a member of William F. Buckley, Jr.’s National Advisory Council of Young Americans for Freedom with Robert Morris. Morris, it is recalled, was Otto Otepka’s defense attorney, General Walker’s attorney, H.L. Hunt’s attorney, a John Bircher, and a Naval intelligence officer.²⁴-⁴⁷⁴

Why then would Richard Nixon come along three days after the denial of this story (February 28) and seem to corroborate it with his “vague” yet detailed memory of it? Two days before Carlson’s February 19 telling of the false story, Baer and McKenzie replaced Martin as Marina’s attorneys. The false story, had it been true, would have corroborated an equally incredible story that Marina was reportedly telling. On the same day Carlson told his story, Robert Oswald said that “Marina had locked Lee Harvey Oswald in the bathroom the entire day” (of Nixon’s alleged April visit) to prevent him from going to shoot Nixon (22 H 596). By February 24, it had been established that the bathroom locked from the inside. Marina changed her story that day saying she had held onto the doorknob and braced her feet against the wall for three hours (23 H 511-12). When time came to testify under oath, however, she changed her story again and said she and her husband struggled inside the bathroom (R 188).²⁵-⁴⁷⁵

Unless something came along very quickly to back up this bizarre bathroom story, it could have cast doubt on all of Marina’s testimony which was essentially all the Commission had to convince the public that Oswald was guilty. And more importantly, if Marina’s bathroom story had been proved false, it could have implicated a number of people in its creation; including Henry Baer, William McKenzie, two FBI agents, and the Fords, who were all with her the day her story first changed to accommodate the facts about the door lock. It could have also implicated Carlson who withdrew his invitation story the very next day, and Robert Oswald who first reported Marina’s bathroom story. The reason her story was not proved false was because Richard Nixon came to everyone’s rescue by “vaguely” remembering the “invitation” on February 28, three days after the whole matter self-destructed.²⁶-⁴⁷⁶ Had these people been investigated honestly, it is extremely likely it would have led to the connections discussed in this paper.

There are indications that the Warren Commission came quite close to investigating those very connections. In February 1964, the same month these desperate falsehoods about Nixon were being spread, LTV won the Navy contract to build limited war fighter planes which resulted in huge returns on the insightful investments of James Ling, D.H. Byrd and others in November 1963. Also in February 1964, the Joint Chiefs began calling for "intensified operations against North Vietnam", and Ling was charged with misconduct by the Security and Exchange Commission. And the Warren Commission, on February 24 (the day Marina’s story began to change), wrote a memorandum to the CIA raising promising questions about Ruby’s links to Lewis J. McWillie, Barney Baker, Thomas Hill of the John Birch Society head office (who was in Ruby’s notebook), and “Leopold Ramos Ducos,” who with Mike Singer (both subjects of missing pages) was linked to Bobby Baker and the teamsters (CE 2980, 26 H 467-73).²⁷-⁴⁷⁷

The fact that these individuals came so close to being investigated yet were not (because of Nixon’s vague remembrance), would seem to be reason enough for Richard Nixon to have a good laugh. He laughed all the way to Asia twice in 1964, where he spoke to South Vietnamese officials and Chiang Ka-ishek. When he returned in April 1964 he lobbied hard for carrying the war to North Vietnam. His second trip to Taiwan on Pepsi business enabled him to address the National Toilers Alliance-National Alliance of Solidarists (NTS), the Anti-Bolshevik Nations (ABN), and assorted German rightwingers and ex-Nazis at the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) — the colleagues of Oswald’s contact Spas T. Raikin.²⁸-⁴⁷⁸

As Dr. Scott tells us, the NTS and ABN collaborated closely with the APACL in Taipeh to establish the proposed World Anti-Communist Conference for Freedom and Liberation. “This makes it likely,” Scott writes, “that the NTS was also in contact in Texas with the allies of the APACL and through them with the John Birch Society and the supporters of General Walker.” Thus, these Nixon/Pepsi intrigues hit close to home when we recall that “Jack Nichols Payton, a friend and campaignorganizer of General Walker, described himself in Commission Exhibit 2094 (24 H 528) as a member of both the John Birch Society and the Austin AntiCommunist League.”²⁹-⁴⁷⁹ It is also recalled that SNG veteran John Martino, who claimed to have knowledge of the conspiratorial manipulation of Oswald, spoke at a meeting of the Austin Anti-Communist League on October 1, 1963 — one week after Oswald was in Austin.

Considering these Nixon ties to the Watergaters of Second Naval Guerrilla, Ruth Paine, Jack Ruby, and Lee Harvey Oswald, it no longer seems as much a stretch … to pose the question … of why Richard Nixon was laughing.

ENDNOTES:

1. 46. Some sources describe Rostow simply as a staff member of CENIS while others have him co-founding it with economist and former CIA Office of National Estimates Director Max F. Millikan. David Wise in his book The Invisible Government, reported that Rostow founded CENIS on his own and was joined by Millikan in 1952.

2. 47. Gill, The Ordeal of Otto Otepka, pp. 94-98; David Wise with Thomas B. Ross, The Invisible Government, (NY: Bantam Books, 1965), p. 260.

3. 48. Michael Canfield with Alan J. Weberman, Coup d'état in America, (NY: The Third Press, 1975), p. 21; Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, (NY: Carroll & Graf, 1992), p. 120.

4. 51. Peter R. Whitmey, Letter to the Editor, The Third Decade, (Vol. 9, No. 5, Jul. 1993), pp. 13-14.

5. 54. Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-Up: the CIA, the Mafia, and the Dallas-Watergate Connection, (Berkeley, CA: Westworks, 1977), p. 54, n. 34; republished in Santa Barbara, CA: Open Archive Press, 1993.

6. 55. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, p. 30.

7. 56. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 120-21. See also: Bernard Fensterwald, Jr., Coincidence or Conspiracy, (NY: Zebra, 1977), pp. 38, 217-218, 228-230, 470.

8. 57. Church Committee, Alleged Assassination Plots, p. 33, cited in Bernard Fensterwald, Jr., Coincidence or Conspiracy, (NY: Zebra, 1977), p. 251.

9. 58. The University of Texas at Austin with The Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, LBJ: The Difference He Made, 25th Anniversary Symposium, May 3-5, 1990, unpublished complete transcript, (Austin, TX: Kennedy Reporting Service, 1990), pp. 321-25.

10. For more on JFK conspirators at The University of Texas, see “The Lies of Texas” at bartholoviews substack.com:

The Lies of Texas

11. 59. The University of Texas at Arlington, “C.B. Smith, Sr., October 24, 1967,” (Galleys of biography prepared for annual homecoming ceremonies honoring outstanding alumni), photocopy from Austin American-Statesman files.

12. 462. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 3-6, 7, 21, 30, ch. IX, pp. 23, 27, ch. X, pp. 16-21.

13. 463. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 11.

14. 464. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, pp. 10-33.

15. 465. New York Times, Feb., 9, 1964, 111, 6, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

16. 466. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 13 15, 21.

17. 467. Wall Street Journal, Feb. 23, 1977.

18. 468. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

19. 469. Julius Mader, Who’s Who in CIA, (Berlin: Self published, 1968), p. 420.

20. 470. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

21. 471. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 15, 79.

22. 472. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 16.

23. 473. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 16-17.

24. 474. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. II, pp. 21-22.

25. 475 . Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18.

26. 476. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 20.

27. 477. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18, 19.

28. 478. New York Times, Apr. 17, 1964, p. 1, Apr. 19, 1964, p. 82, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

29. 479. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 15.